Gaza and the Century-Long Palestine Question: Where Türkiye's Humanitarian Diplomacy Fits
Türkiye's Gaza humanitarian diplomacy in a century of the Palestine question: Ottoman rule, the Mandate, ceasefire calls and the two-state position.
Why It Matters
The Gaza war is the most intense chapter of a Palestine question that began when Ottoman rule ended and the League of Nations Mandate system replaced it. Türkiye, as a successor state to the Ottoman Empire, a NATO member and a long-standing supporter of Palestinian statehood, has made ceasefire diplomacy, humanitarian relief and UN reform central to its response. This guide separates the historical record from competing positions so readers can see where Ankara's humanitarian diplomacy fits and where it is contested.
Note: the Gaza situation changes quickly. This article is based on widely documented events and official statements; readers should check the latest MFA, UN and party statements for current developments.
Background
The Palestine question is a product of the First World War settlement. Ottoman rule over Jerusalem and the surrounding lands, which began in 1516, ended in practice when British forces took Jerusalem in December 1917. The sequence below frames what followed (see also The Short Century: Today's Crises Read Through the Long Arc of 1914–1991).
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| 1915–1916 | Husayn–McMahon correspondence between the British High Commissioner in Egypt and the Sharif of Mecca on postwar Arab independence |
| 1916 | Sykes–Picot Agreement: secret British–French plan to divide Ottoman Arab provinces |
| 2 Nov 1917 | Balfour Declaration: Britain favours a 'national home for the Jewish people' in Palestine, without prejudice to the 'civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities' |
| 30 Oct 1918 | Armistice of Mudros ends Ottoman participation in the war |
| 1920–1922 | San Remo conference allocates the Palestine Mandate to Britain; the League of Nations confirms it in 1922 |
| 24 Jul 1923 | Treaty of Lausanne: Article 16 has Türkiye renounce rights over territories outside its new borders |
| 29 Nov 1947 | UN General Assembly Resolution 181 recommends partition into Jewish and Arab states |
| 14 May 1948 | Israel declares independence; the first Arab–Israeli war follows and a large part of the Palestinian Arab population is displaced (the Nakba) |
| 28 Mar 1949 | Türkiye recognizes Israel, one of the first Muslim-majority states to do so |
| 22 Nov 1967 | After the June war, UN Security Council Resolution 242 calls for Israeli withdrawal from territories occupied in the conflict and for peace within secure borders |
| 15 Nov 1988 | Palestine declares independence; Türkiye is among the states that recognize it |
| 1993 | Oslo Accords create the Palestinian Authority and an interim framework |
| 2005–2007 | Israel withdraws settlers and troops from Gaza; Hamas takes control of the Strip in 2007; Israel and Egypt impose restrictions on movement and goods |
The Mandate framework matters because it shows how the fate of Palestine was decided by outside powers rather than through the consent of its inhabitants. That is a theme Turkish officials often raise when they connect the region's present instability to the post-Ottoman order. For the same history applied to Türkiye's own sea borders, see From Lausanne to the Blue Homeland: How the Ottoman Collapse Shaped Türkiye's Maritime Doctrine.
From 7 October 2023 to the Ceasefire Track
On 7 October 2023, Hamas-led fighters attacked communities and military sites in southern Israel, killing civilians and taking hostages. Israel launched a large-scale military campaign in Gaza in response. The humanitarian consequences, including mass displacement, damage to health infrastructure and food insecurity, have been documented by UN agencies. Key international milestones include:
- 27 October 2023: The UN General Assembly (Resolution ES-10/21) called for an immediate humanitarian truce.
- 22 December 2023: Security Council Resolution 2720 called for scaled-up humanitarian aid.
- 26 January 2024: The International Court of Justice ordered provisional measures in South Africa v. Israel, a case under the 1948 Genocide Convention. The Court has not ruled on the merits.
- 25 March 2024: Resolution 2728 demanded a ceasefire for Ramadan; the United States abstained.
- 10 June 2024: Resolution 2735 endorsed a phased ceasefire proposal.
- 19 July 2024: The ICJ's advisory opinion found Israel's continued presence in the occupied Palestinian territory unlawful, a finding Israel rejects.
- 2025: A US-backed framework and ceasefire arrangements, with Egypt, Qatar and Türkiye taking part in the mediation and guarantee process, followed later in the year. Implementation and governance questions remain unresolved.
Key Players & Positions
Israel
Israeli government statements, including those of the Prime Minister's Office and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, frame the war as self-defence after 7 October. They state that Israel seeks the return of hostages and the removal of Hamas's military and governing capacity. The Israeli government has also rejected unilateral recognition of a Palestinian state and has objected to a Turkish military role in any Gaza stabilization arrangement. Israel disputes the genocide characterization and the ICJ's occupation findings.
United States
Washington's official statements affirm Israel's right to defend itself, emphasize hostage release and humanitarian access, and say a two-state outcome remains a long-term goal. The US vetoed several Security Council drafts in 2023–2024 and has opposed unilateral recognition of Palestine. In 2025 it took the lead in a ceasefire framework for Gaza.
Arab States
The Arab League and key capitals reference the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, which offers normalization in exchange for Israeli withdrawal to the 1967 lines and a just solution for refugees. Egypt and Qatar have served as principal mediators with Hamas. Egypt and Jordan have publicly rejected any displacement of Gaza's population, and an Arab League summit in Cairo on 4 March 2025 endorsed an Egyptian-led reconstruction plan. Positions on Hamas's future role and the Palestinian Authority's reform differ among Arab governments.
European Union
EU institutions support a two-state solution, call for humanitarian access and a ceasefire, and list Hamas as a terrorist organization. Member states are divided. Spain, Ireland and Norway recognized Palestine on 28 May 2024, and several more European and Western governments followed in September 2025, while Germany and others declined to do so. The EU also reviewed its Association Agreement with Israel on human rights grounds in 2025.
Türkiye's Position (Türkiye's Historical and Legal Position)
Ankara argues that Gaza cannot be separated from the unresolved status of Palestine and that a ceasefire without a political horizon will not last. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry and the Presidency, the position has the following elements:
- Ceasefire and humanitarian access first. Since the first MFA statements after 7 October 2023, Türkiye has called for an end to violence against civilians and for unhindered aid. President Erdoğan has repeated this at the UN General Assembly and in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. Türkiye voted in favour of the General Assembly's October 2023 truce resolution. The legal reference points are international humanitarian law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention on the protection of civilians under occupation.
- Two states on the 1967 lines. The Foreign Ministry has consistently stated that a lasting settlement requires an independent, sovereign and contiguous State of Palestine on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. The basis cited is Security Council Resolution 242, subsequent UN resolutions and Türkiye's 1988 recognition of Palestine. Turkish officials have welcomed recognitions by Spain, Ireland, Norway and others.
- Accountability under international law. Turkish officials, including President Erdoğan, have described Israel's conduct in Gaza as genocide and have urged accountability. Israel rejects this, and the ICJ has not ruled on the merits of the case brought by South Africa. Türkiye has announced that it will take part in that case as an intervening party. Ankara also cites the July 2024 ICJ advisory opinion on the occupation.
- Hamas as a political actor. Türkiye does not list Hamas as a terrorist organization, in contrast to Israel, the US and the EU. Ankara argues that a durable Palestinian settlement requires Palestinian political unity and a role for all factions in a process under international auspices. Critics, including Israel and several Western governments, argue that this position legitimizes an armed group responsible for the 7 October attacks.
- Measures toward Israel and mediation. Türkiye recalled its ambassador in November 2023 and later announced restrictions on trade with Israel and on port and airspace access. At the same time it has remained involved in ceasefire diplomacy with Egypt, Qatar and the US. Türkiye has sent relief through Egypt via the Disaster and Emergency Management Authority (AFAD), the Turkish Red Crescent and non-governmental organizations. It has also received patients for medical treatment.
The historical basis Ankara emphasizes is its Ottoman heritage as the former sovereign of Jerusalem, which it says created a long-term interest in protecting the city's status and the Al-Aqsa/Haram al-Sharif compound. Türkiye's earlier crisis with Israel over the 31 May 2010 Gaza flotilla, in which Turkish citizens were killed, and the partial reconciliation agreement of 2016 form the more recent background. Ankara also treats the Gaza war as evidence for its broader argument on UN governance: with the Security Council blocked, vetoes by permanent members have prevented decisive action. See Why Türkiye Says 'The World Is Bigger Than Five': The 1945 Order and the Case for UN Security Council Reform.
Mediation as a Diplomatic Method
Türkiye's approach to Gaza mirrors its mediation record elsewhere, including the Istanbul talks and the grain corridor during the Russia–Ukraine war. The common thread is that Ankara seeks to keep channels open with parties that other governments have cut off. Whether that role is an asset or a liability in Gaza depends on whom one asks. Readers can compare the two cases in Istanbul Talks and the Grain Corridor: Can Mediation Break the Century's Conflict Cycle?.
Source Comparison
The same events are described differently depending on the source. The table summarizes typical framing, not a verdict on its accuracy.
| Issue | Common Western/Israeli official framing | Turkish official framing | Common ground |
|---|---|---|---|
| Origin of the war | 7 October attack and hostage-taking by Hamas | 7 October occurred within decades of occupation and blockade, and Palestinian civilians should not bear collective punishment | Civilian suffering must be addressed |
| Hamas | Terrorist organization (Israel, US, EU) | Political movement that must be part of Palestinian politics; not designated by Türkiye | Hostages should be released |
| Legal characterization | Self-defence; genocide claim rejected | Disproportionate force and, in the words of Turkish leaders, genocide | ICJ and UN processes are relevant |
| Statehood | Two states as a long-term aim; negotiated, not unilateral (Israel and US) | Recognition now; 1967 lines, East Jerusalem as capital | Two-state formula still widely cited |
| Role of the UN | Council paralysis reflects political disagreement | Vetoes show the need for structural reform | Humanitarian access is essential |
For parallel analysis from the network's sister publications, see Region Scope on Gaza and Türkiye's humanitarian diplomacy and Interstate Journal on Türkiye, Gaza aid and the two-state position. For the wider mediation picture, see The Political Anatomy on Türkiye as mediator. Readers can also consult the primary sources themselves: UN Security Council and General Assembly records, ICJ documents, and statements from the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the Presidency and the Directorate of Communications. Methodology is explained in Editorial Principles.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- British Mandate for Palestine: the League of Nations arrangement (1922–1948) under which Britain administered Palestine after Ottoman rule.
- Nakba: the Arabic term for the 1948 displacement of Palestinians.
- 1967 lines: the armistice lines before the June 1967 war, the reference for most two-state proposals.
- Two-state solution: a negotiated outcome with Israel and Palestine as sovereign states living side by side.
- Provisional measures (ICJ): interim orders issued before a court rules on the merits.
- AFAD: Türkiye's Disaster and Emergency Management Authority, a main channel for Turkish relief.
- Humanitarian diplomacy: the use of aid access, evacuations and negotiation to reduce civilian harm.
Related guides: What Was the 'Short Century'?, After 1991: Security Vacuums and the Source Doctrine, Montreux at Ninety, Reader FAQ and About The Short Century. For broader coverage of Türkiye's global agenda, see Gazetteer of Nations.
The Short Century presents Türkiye's official perspective and legal theses on the issues it covers, and clearly distinguishes them from opposing views. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, Ottoman and other state archives, and official statements. — The Short Century Editorial Team
Frequently asked questions
What is Türkiye's official position on Gaza?
According to the Presidency and the Foreign Ministry, Türkiye calls for an immediate and lasting ceasefire, unhindered humanitarian access and accountability under international law. It also calls for a two-state outcome on the 1967 lines with East Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine. Türkiye has also supported Palestinian political unity and takes part in ceasefire mediation with Egypt, Qatar and the United States.
When did Ottoman rule over Palestine end and what replaced it?
Ottoman control effectively ended in 1917–1918, when British forces took Jerusalem and the Ottomans signed the Armistice of Mudros. Britain then administered Palestine under a League of Nations Mandate confirmed in 1922, which lasted until 1948. Türkiye formally gave up claims to former Arab provinces in Article 16 of the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne.
Does Türkiye consider Hamas a terrorist organization?
No. Türkiye does not list Hamas as a terrorist organization, while Israel, the United States and the European Union do. Ankara says Hamas is a political movement that must be part of Palestinian politics, and critics argue this overlooks the 7 October 2023 attacks. This difference is one of the main sources of friction between Türkiye and its Western partners.
Has Türkiye recognized the State of Palestine?
Yes. Türkiye recognized Palestine after its 15 November 1988 declaration of independence and supports its UN participation. Türkiye also recognized Israel in 1949, so it maintains that both states should live side by side. Israel and the United States say statehood should be reached through negotiation rather than unilateral recognition.
What aid and diplomatic steps has Türkiye taken?
Türkiye has sent relief supplies through Egypt via AFAD, the Turkish Red Crescent and civil society groups, and has treated patients from Gaza. Diplomatically, it recalled its ambassador in November 2023, announced trade and transit restrictions on Israel, and joined ceasefire talks. It has also announced that it will join the ICJ genocide case as an intervening party.
Why does Türkiye link Gaza to UN Security Council reform?
Ankara argues that repeated vetoes and Council deadlock during the Gaza war show that the 1945 structure cannot act decisively. President Erdoğan's slogan 'The world is bigger than five' calls for a more representative Council. Other states, including permanent members, do not agree on how to reform it.
Related guides
- Fact Check: Is the Blue Homeland a Recent 'Invention'? What Türkiye's Maritime Record ShowsFact check: Is the Blue Homeland a new invention? The dated record, from UN filings in 2004 and the 2011 TRNC accord to the 2019 Libya MoU and 2025 UNESCO, shows otherwise.
- What Was the 'Short Century'? Reading Türkiye's Crises Through 1914–1991 and AfterHobsbawm's short twentieth century (1914–1991) explained in plain language, and how its ruptures—from Lausanne to Cyprus to 1991—frame Türkiye's crises today.
- Cyprus as a Cold War Legacy: Reading 1960, 1963, 1974 and 1983 as One Continuous StoryCyprus cold war history 1960 1963 1974 1983 explained: how ENOSIS, EOKA, the Treaty of Guarantee and UN Resolution 186 form one continuous story.
- After 1991: How Post-Cold War Security Vacuums Produced Türkiye's 'Neutralize at the Source' DoctrineHow the post-Cold War security vacuum in northern Iraq and Syria shaped Türkiye's counter-terrorism doctrine against PKK/YPG, DAESH and FETÖ, with rival views.
- From Embargo to Self-Reliance: How the 1975 Arms Restrictions Shaped Türkiye's Defense IndustryHow the US arms embargo on Türkiye after 1974 Cyprus pushed Ankara toward defense self-reliance, from ASELSAN to TB2, KAAN and the S-400 and F-35 dispute.
- From Lausanne to the Blue Homeland: How the Ottoman Collapse Shaped Türkiye's Maritime DoctrineHow the 1923 Lausanne Treaty shaped the Aegean–Mediterranean maritime order and Türkiye's Blue Homeland doctrine, with a treaty timeline to 2025.
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